OVERVIEW OF CUSTOMARY LAW AND ITS RELEVANCE TO FOREST CONSERVATION
Customary law has been defined in various ways. According to Section 2 of the Evidence Ordinance Cap 62 of the laws of the Federation of Nigeria (1958)1, customary law is described as “… a rule that has gained the force of law through long-standing usage in a specific district.”2 Additionally, the Customary Court Ordinance, Cap 142 of the Laws of the Federation of Nigeria from 1948 defines customary law in Section 18 (1) (a) as: “…the indigenous law and customs existing within the court’s jurisdiction, provided they do not contradict natural justice, equity, and good conscience, nor are they directly or implicitly incompatible with the current written laws.”3
Several writers have sought to clarify the concept of customary law. In this context, Freckmann and Wegerich describe customary law as a set of “traditions that have been widely practiced and valued by a significant portion of the population, who believe in the legality of these customs.”4 Anyangwe C. also defines customary law as “the collection of laws that originate from the recognized local customs and practices of a tribe or community.”5 These definitions emphasize that customary law consists of a set of conduct rules developed through long-standing practices. Another perspective on customary law, proposed by Obi C., is that it refers to “… a rule (or collection of rules) that the members of a specific community acknowledge as obligatory for themselves and that the court will uphold when necessary.”6
In Anglophone Cameroon, particularly in the Mt. Cameroon region, the use of customary laws in managing natural resources like land and forests is recognized by legislation. This is outlined in Section 27(1) of the Southern Cameroons High Court Law of 1955..7 The provision states that:
“The High Court shall observe and enforce the observance of every native law and custom that is not contrary to natural justice, equity, and good conscience, nor incompatible with any existing law. Furthermore, nothing in this law shall deprive any person of the benefits of such native law or custom.”8
This means that a custom will not be enforced by the court in Anglophone Cameroon if it contradicts natural justice, equity, and good conscience, or if it conflicts with any existing law. This principle was upheld in cases such as Immaculalate Wanga Vefonge v. Samuel Lyonga Yukpe9 and Ngeh V. Ngome10 where the courts emphasized the importance of these legal standards in evaluating customary practices. In Francophone Cameroon, it is also a well-established legal principle that customary law will not be enforced if it contradicts the notions of bonnes moeurs (good morals) and ordre public (public order).11 This ensures that customary practices align with societal values and legal standards.
Customary law, as practiced by local communities, is essential for this study because it exists in the villages surrounding the Mt. Cameroon forest region, under the authority of traditional leaders. In this sense, it plays a key role in the conservation and sustainable use of forest resources. The significance of customary law in supporting sustainable forest conservation is highlighted by the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) in Article 8(j), which asserts that:
Each Contracting Party shall, to the extent possible and as appropriate:
(j) In accordance with its national laws, honor, protect, and sustain the knowledge, innovations, and practices of indigenous and local communities that reflect traditional lifestyles important for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity. Additionally, it shall promote broader application of this knowledge with the consent and involvement of those who hold it, while encouraging fair sharing of the benefits derived from the utilization of such knowledge, innovations, and practices.
Based on the above, the 1992 CBD establishes an obligation for Cameroon, as a signatory, to respect, preserve, and sustain the traditional knowledge, innovations, and practices of indigenous and local communities in the Mt. Cameroon region. These practices are integral to the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity found in the area’s forests. Similarly, the 1968 African Convention on the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, revised in 2003,12 stipulates in Article XIV that member states, including Cameroon, must ensure the sustainable development of natural resources (such as forests) by taking into account “cultural factors,” among other considerations.13 This implies that the term “cultural factors” referenced in the above article includes the traditional knowledge and cultural practices of local communities in the sustainable management of natural resources like forests.
Numerous researchers have sought to highlight the importance of customary law institutions and traditional practices/beliefs in forest conservation within African societies.14 This study examines the conditions in the Mt. Cameroon region, where managing forests has proven challenging, despite various formal strategies aimed at regulating the sector.
TRADITIONAL INSTITUTIONS AS KEY PLAYERS IN FOREST CONSERVATION
Traditional institutions denote indigenous organizations that exist in the villages of the Mt. Cameroon region, much like those in other areas of Cameroon. Before the arrival of colonizers, these customary institutions were established in indigenous communities throughout the territory, under the guidance of traditional leaders.15 Cameroon is home to approximately 25016 ethnic groups or villages, each with established traditional institutions and customary laws that are legally recognized in the country.17
Certain traditional institutions within the villages or ethnic groups have established their own systems for sustainably managing natural resources, allowing them to coexist harmoniously with the environment. We believe that formally recognizing these traditional institutions—such as chieftaincy structures, traditional councils, secret societies, and quarter heads—in forest management will promote the sustainability of forest resources through participatory management, as envisioned in the 1994 Forestry Law18 more effectively than the modern legal entities created by the 1995 Forestry Decree, like “Associations” and “Cooperative Societies.”19 These associations frequently pursue objectives that do not support sustainable forest management. In comparison, traditional institutions tend to offer dependable and economical methods for safeguarding environmental resources, as they resonate well with the local population. This familiarity is often absent in the modern legal entities established by forestry law to manage community forests. Consequently, it is essential to examine the role of traditional institutions in sustainable forest management within the Mt. Cameroon region at this time.
A. Chieftaincy Structures and Forest Conservation
It is important to highlight the significance of networks such as the Council of Traditional Rulers in Cameroon and the regional Central African Network of Traditional Rulers for the Conservation of Biodiversity and the Sustainable Management of Forest Ecosystems within the Congo Basin (ReCTrad). These organizations play a crucial role in advocating for the conservation of forest resources, enhancing sustainable practices within the forestry sector. Their collective efforts contribute to promoting effective management and protection of biodiversity in the region.20 For example, in 2014, ReCTrad published an advocacy paper titled “How to Revise the 1994 Forestry Law within the Law Reform Process since 2008 and Why the Draft Law on Forest and Wildlife Regulation Should Be Adopted.” In this document, the chiefs articulated their primary environmental goal: “the effective, efficient, and sustainable management of forests and their resources, ensuring that development does not lead to forest destruction.”21 In reaction to ReCTrad, an ad-hoc commission was set up by the Prime Minister on January 8, 2015, to assess the chiefs’ reform proposal with the participation of all relevant Ministries.22 This action by traditional chiefs highlights the changing landscape of customary governance in Cameroon, demonstrating their significant role in shaping emerging national forestry legislation.
In the Mt. Cameroon region, as in other areas of the country, traditional chiefs are recognized and categorized into three classes—first, second, and third class—by Decree No. 77/245 of July 15, 1977, concerning the Organization of Chieftaincy (referred to as the 1977 Chieftaincy Decree).23 It is anticipated that within the territories where they exercise their authority, these chiefs oversee natural resources, including forests, and are responsible for their management. Each village in the Mt. Cameroon region operates autonomously, led by its own chief, typically appointed by the King Makers. These chiefs are empowered by the government to serve as auxiliaries to the administration 24 and act as representatives of the State at the village level. They are responsible for ensuring that government policies related to forest sustainability are upheld in their respective communities.
In the Mt. Cameroon region, the chieftaincy is generally regarded as hereditary, passed down through the paternal lineage, unless the King Makers choose to make a different determination.25 A comparable scenario is found in the Northwest, Western, and Northern regions of Cameroon, where individuals eligible for traditional rulership must come from the royal family and be in the line of succession. Any enthronement is considered invalid if the candidate does not belong to the royal lineage, as dictated by local customs. However, across all regions of Cameroon, it is a widespread practice that enthronement can only take place when a vacancy exists.26
In the Mt. Cameroon region, village chiefs play a crucial role as mediators between the central government and their communities on environmental issues. They work alongside village traditional councils to implement both modern and customary laws on forest management, ensuring effective governance in their villages. Some chiefs have utilized their positions to advance forest sustainability by advocating for tree planting initiatives to enhance ecotourism. A prominent example is the Chief of Woteva village, who, in 2014, collaborated with his community to embark on a research project aimed at identifying potential ecotourism sites within the Woteva Community Forest, resulting in the documentation of several promising locations.27 Local government authorities are currently collaborating with the chief and villagers to create detailed maps and facilitate the construction of camps to promote ecotourism in the area. While the project is encountering obstacles like inadequate funding and slow administrative procedures during its development, there is optimism that it will come to fruition in the coming years. This initiative aims to align with other forest projects in the Woteva Community Forest, enhancing sustainability efforts in the region.28 Ultimately, it is the resilient efforts of the Chief of Woteva that have initiated this initiative to enhance forest development in the Woteva Community Forest.
The local communities around Mount Cameroon National Park (MCNP), represented by their chiefs, work closely with park management partners to carry out awareness campaigns focused on forest conservation. The government, in partnership with international environmental organizations like the Mount Cameroon REDD+ initiative,29 has been actively supporting this collaboration. Additionally, the “law of status,” a traditional system used by indigenous peoples of Cameroon before colonialism to manage land and natural resources, continues to operate in the Bakweri villages of the Mt. Cameroon region. Under this system, the management and extraction of certain forest resources, such as the mountain elephant and the bark of the “Mbeli” tree used in traditional rituals, are strictly overseen by the village chiefs.30 This practice helps regulate the indiscriminate exploitation of forest resources..
The analysis clearly demonstrates that the authority of chieftaincy institutions in the sustainable management of forest resources in the Mt. Cameroon region is vital and should be officially recognized in the 1994 Forestry Law and other environmental legal instruments. These institutions are not only numerous but also deeply connected to the people and the forest, making them essential for any forest management strategy that aims to be truly sustainable.
B. Traditional Village Councils and Sustainable Forest Governance
The village traditional council acts as the executive body in all villages within the Mt. Cameroon region. They work alongside the administration and traditional chiefs to oversee the daily affairs of the village, enforce discipline, and ensure law and order. Although the composition of these councils differs from one village to another, they generally consist of representatives from various family groups, king-makers, quarter heads, and elders, who are mainly the heads of their families’ lineages.31 The village traditional council is headed by a Chairman appointed by the village chief. While the chief may not be a formal member of the council, he often serves as an advisor and is typically present during council sessions.32
In terms of natural resource management, the Village Traditional Councils are involved in the allocation of village land for farming purposes, assist to enforce modern and customary laws on forest conservation, serve as traditional courts33 at the village level by resolving disputes related to forest lands and other quarrels between individuals and also between neighboring villages.34 Disputes that are difficult for village councils of the Mt Cameroon region to settle are reported to the local National Gendarmerie Brigade or referred to the Court of First Instance of that locality in view of a solution.35 Furthermore, the traditional councils punish violators of traditional rules and practices that govern forest exploitation such as arson and illegal exploitation of totem animals (e.g. the Mountain elephant) and plants. For instance according to the Bakweri people of the Mt Cameroon region, the exploitation from sacred sites in the forest such as shrines without the permission of the traditional authorities will attract sanctions from the gods and the village traditional council.36 The respect for this traditional institution because of the powers which it has and the fear of the unknown sanction, is more effective than the respect of government institutions and laws whose sanctions are less severe and perceptible to the people. Thus, this local institution is better endowed with qualities required for the sustainable management of forest resources.
Again, the Village Traditional Council is seen and respected by most people as a highly democratic institution at the village level as decisions are taken democratically.37 Through its activities as observed above, it limits access to the Mt Cameroon forest and fight against the wanton exploitation of the forest resources. This contributes in enhancing the implementation of the conservation policy of the MCNP and other restricted areas in the region, let alone in fulfilling Cameroon’s biodiversity obligations under international environmental agreements such as the 1992 Convention on Biodiversity,38 the COMIFAC treaty of 200539 and the 1972 World Heritage Convention.40
In the Mt Cameroon region, traditional village councils are located in villages near the MCNP, giving them close proximity to forest resources. Villagers hold these councils in high regard and understand their roles. In contrast, modern legal entities like Associations, Cooperative Societies, and EIGs, established under the 1995 Forestry Decree to manage community forests sustainably, lack recognition and respect from the local communities. For sustainable forest resource management, it is essential to integrate these traditional councils into management strategies rather than sidelining them. We propose that involving village traditional councils in the environmental protection strategies of the State is crucial for effective and efficient forest management in the Mt Cameroon region. Specifically, the MCNP management authority should recognize the potential of these councils and collaborate with them to promote participatory and sustainable park management.
C. Cultural Secret Societies in Enhancing Forest Sustainability
Traditional secret societies, much like chieftaincy institutions and village councils, play a vital role in promoting sustainable forest resource management in the Mt Cameroon region. These societies are a central part of the cultural and traditional heritage of the indigenous Bakweri people in the area. Specifically, many young Bakweri males in village communities are typically initiated into the Malle, a secret society centered around the elephant dance.41 It is believed that members of this traditional secret society can transform into elephants and also have “their” elephant in the mountain. Another male secret society is the Nganya and the Mbwaya,42 also having some animals as totems.43 On the female side, there is the Liengu which has the warthog or wild boar as its mascot and uses a number of plants for traditional medicine and rituals.44 Traditional secret societies contribute significantly to forest conservation by ensuring that their members protect specific animal and plant species in the forest, such as the mountain elephant and wild boar, to which they have spiritual connections. These species are safeguarded from being hunted or removed from the forest without the approval of traditional authorities.45 These regulations and limitations play a crucial role in safeguarding forest resources.
Young men in the Mt Cameroon region are drawn to join the Malle traditional secret society due to their deep appreciation for Bakweri culture and a desire for spiritual protection from the land’s deities.46 This passion, which drives their initiation into the Malle, also inspires them as members to vigilantly oversee and prevent unauthorized activities in the forest that could threaten the survival of animal species to which they hold spiritual connections.47 The Malle members claimed to have elephants in the forest and that their lives had become one with these animals and their destinies inherently linked.48 They make sure that elephants are not hunted and killed for their ivory. They belief that, if an elephant is killed in the forest, the person to whom the elephant is attached to spiritually will also die,49 thus they have to protect the animal by all means from being killed. This approach significantly works in favour of sustainable wildlife management in the Mt Cameroon region. This approach supports the goals of the African Convention on the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (Algeria, 1968), which stipulates in Article 2 that: “The Contracting States shall undertake to adopt measures to ensure the conservation, utilization, and development of faunal resources with due regard to the best interests of the people.” By failing to acknowledge these traditional institutions in the 1994 Forestry Law, it raises questions about Cameroon’s commitment to achieving sustainable and participatory forest management, both in the Mt Cameroon region specifically and across the country as a whole.
D. Quarter Heads and Forest Resource Stewardship
Quarter heads in indigenous communities are key village institutions in the Mt Cameroon region, playing a significant role in natural resource management, particularly in forest conservation. For effective governance, villages in this region are divided into quarters, each led by a quarter head. Alongside local chiefs and traditional councils, quarter heads participate in decision-making and managing various aspects of daily village life, including resolving issues such as land and forest disputes and marital conflicts.
In the village context, this traditional institution holds the primary authority to detect illegal activities concerning the management of natural resources, including forests.50 Quarter heads in the Mt Cameroon region’s communities play a vital role in overseeing and reporting the actions of outsiders to the traditional council when they engage in unlawful or unsustainable practices related to forest resource use. These practices include, but are not limited to, breaching traditional hunting regulations, misusing land permits for agriculture, illegally cutting down trees of cultural importance, and unauthorized access to sacred forest areas or rivers reserved for ritual ceremonies.51 Additionally, quarter heads in the Mt Cameroon region aid in curbing forest-related offenses by presenting violators to the higher traditional authorities of the village for adjudication.52 Therefore, based on the above discussion, it is reasonable to assert that the efforts of quarter heads in the Mt Cameroon region significantly contribute to preserving the forest heritage, an approach that should be encouraged to enhance participatory forest management.
INDIGENOUS TRADITIONAL PRACTICES ON FOREST MANAGEMENT
A culture or tradition refers to practices, beliefs, or customs handed down through generations within a community or society, carrying symbolic meaning or particular importance to its members.53 Studies have shown that traditional beliefs play a crucial role in sustainable forest conservation in various regions globally. For example, in China, the Baima Tibetans have worked to revive their diminished traditions and customs, which were previously overlooked in favor of modern scientific approaches.54 Similarly in India, the Supreme Court of India passed a judgment in favour of the people of Donria Kondh to worship their gods Niyam Rajah whose resting place is believed to be the Nyamgiri Mountain which is sacred to them.55 With regards to forest conservation in the Mt Cameroon region, though the forestry legislation of Cameroon has it place in protecting forest resources, cultural beliefs and tradition practices of the Mt Cameroon region also influences forest heritage conservation positively. This is possible because of: it restriction on accessibility to forests; the existence of taboos; the presence of sacred forests or sanctuaries; and the influence of totems among others as examined below.
A. Limitations on Access to Forest
The Bakweri people of the Mt Cameroon region hold traditional beliefs and practices that restrict access to the Mt Cameroon forest, thereby indirectly supporting the conservation of its resources. A notable example is the Bakweri elephant dance, a traditional ritual that embodies the cultural beliefs of the Bakweri. This dance, which highlights the grace and strength of the elephant, was historically performed annually by each Bakweri village in the region.
The Bakweri maintain a deep totemic connection with the elephant (Loxodonta africana), locally known as Njoku, believing that members of the Malle group can transform into elephants for spiritual purposes, including protection and rituals. This belief fosters a profound spiritual reverence and protective stance toward the mountain elephant, a species also recognized as threatened by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) in 1994.56 Access to this animal for whatever purpose is thus highly restricted by the traditional authorities of the Bakweri villages due to the high spiritual significance attached to it. Thus, their kill or capture for example by the villagers and strangers can only be subject to the approval of the village authorities who are the custodians of the Bakweri culture. There is a belief that, unauthorized access to this animal species will attract spiritual sanctions from the “gods of the Mountain.”57 This traditional practice helps in the preservation of the existing population of the African elephant in the Mt Cameroon forest due the fear of spiritual sanctions.
Traditional authorities in the Mt Cameroon region prohibit outsiders from using the forest for agricultural purposes without their explicit permission. The forest is regularly monitored, and any activities by non-native exploiters are reported to the village traditional authorities. Even when permission is granted, it can be revoked if the forest resources are exploited recklessly.58 The attitude of granting permits to strangers is due to the recognition of the fact that, forest resources are exhaustible and when harvested without restriction or senselessly, these resources may not be available any longer.59 One can therefore deduce from this attitude that the local communities have some resources management potentials worth harnessing by the MCNP management authority for managing the park and its peripheral zones.
B. Useful Taboos in Protecting Forest Resources
The impact of taboos on the conservation of forest resources in various regions worldwide is significant. In Ghana, for example, in the villages of Boabeng and Fiema in the Brong Ahafo region,60 there is a belief that the Black and white colobus monkeys are divine guardians of the community. Consequently, it is considered taboo to harm, capture, or disturb these monkeys. This cultural practice has drawn other monkey species to the area, as they perceive it as a safe and secure environment.61 This exemplifies the role of African cultures through taboos in conserving species from extinction. Similarly, in China, taboos in the Tibetan sacred mountain has demonstrated significant role in natural resource management.62 Again, in India traditional beliefs in taboos have played a major role in the protection of sacred groves through the worship of their god Niyam Rajah.63 It is observed that, in the Mt Cameroon region, this aspect is indifferent as taboos contribute in regulating the people’s behaviour towards the use of forest resources especially wild plants and animals. In this regard, in Buea, Muyuka and the West Coast clusters of the Mt Cameroon national park, the African elephant is viewed as a deity and it is strongly prohibited from being killed. This is because this animal is regarded as the totem and guardian of the land.64
In the Mt. Cameroon region, there are taboos that prevent locals and residents from killing or consuming various wildlife. For instance, apes like chimpanzees and gorillas are protected from being hunted or eaten, as they are viewed as the closest relatives to humans65 among forest animals, and their meat is considered akin to human flesh.66 This same taboo also operates in the Korup area of the South West Region.67 This practice of the Bakweri people indirectly secures the availability of the apes as it limits the rate at which these animals are being hunted for bushmeat. Also, it is a taboo in the Mt Cameroon region for a woman who is pregnant to eat certain species of monkeys because of the belief that her child will likely resemble a monkey. The killing of the African python is further forbidden because it is believed that, it controls aquatic animals and leads them to safe spawning areas.68 Morse so, the Bakweri people from Bota land and Wuvia belief that the blue duiker runs causes madness and therefore it is a taboo to kill and consume this animal specie.69 The reverence for these taboos among indigenous and local communities plays a crucial role in preserving threatened animal species, which are vital to the forest biodiversity in the Mt. Cameroon region.
As noted, the presence of taboo animals in the Mt. Cameroon region is beneficial for conserving wildlife species. However, financial incentives, particularly for elephant tusks, can increase the risk of poaching. Additionally, the effectiveness of taboos in conserving and protecting biodiversity has also been documented in certain areas of Nigeria.70
In addition to taboo animals among the Bakweri villages in the Mt. Cameroon region, there are also beliefs surrounding certain giant trees, known as taboo trees. These trees cannot be cut down without performing specific rituals, as doing so may invoke penalties from the local deities. Examples of these taboo trees include camwood (Baphia nitida) and a tree referred to locally as the king tree.71 It is a taboo to cut such trees without proper sacrifices in Bakweri villages of the Mt Cameroon region because, it is believed that, they harbour the spirit of the ancestors. The fear of making expensive sacrifices before felling sacred trees and the fear of unknown consequences to be inflicted by the gods on defaulters deter many village inhabitants from cutting down the trees.72 Out of the Mt Cameroon region, it is noticed that, a similar practice operate in local communities surrounding the Banyang-Mbo Wildlife Sanctuary which is situated to the East of Korup National Park.73 Again, in most traditional settings in Ghana, trees such as Odum (Milicia excels) and African Mohagany (Khaya ivorenses) are regarded as the abode of community deities and are not to be felled without performing some rituals.74 The existence of taboos associated to trees contributes in the sustainability of the forest because some of these trees are scares and are threatened by extinction if not protected. This cultural practice in the form of taboo trees which contributes to the protection and sustainability of sacred trees is good and should be utilize by the State for the conservation of forest in accordance with Article 8 (j) of the 1992 CBD.75
The existence of taboos that prohibit the exploitation of certain forest species is regarded as an effective traditional conservation strategy. These taboos help protect scarce and threatened wildlife species while also preventing other species that are not currently at risk of extinction from becoming threatened.76 However, due to the gradual erosion of these taboos within the communities, there is a looming risk of losing respect for the beliefs and practices that have historically protected wildlife. Therefore, we contend that the role of taboos in wildlife conservation should receive more attention from relevant state institutions.
C. Customary Practices in Forest Conservation
Local and indigenous communities, through their customs and traditions, have a positive impact on sustainable forest management, especially when they are closely connected to natural resources. Their practices often promote conservation and biodiversity, ensuring that forest ecosystems are maintained for future generations.77 This is why the relationship between customary practices and forest management has received enormous attention lately. In the Mt Cameroon region, Mt Cameroon, often referred to as “the chariots of the gods,” is considered the dwelling place of Ihvarza Mote, the deity revered by the Bakweri clan.. There are customary beliefs and practices in this god78 which affects natural resource management. For instance, according to the Bakweri people, ihvarza mote protects natural resources and when made to be angry through the commission of acts forbidden in the forest, it will results to poor crop production and sometimes mountain eruptions which produces Lava flow.79 During such lava flow, loss of biodiversity is eminent. For example, the 1999 lava flow which destroyed wildlife and farm lands, and crossed a major road in Bakingili village was believed to be the furious anger of ihvarza mote, coming as a warning sign. To calm down the lava flow, a libation was done by elders and chiefs, who are members of the Nganya and Malle groups to appease the gods and obtain calmness in the land.80 This customary belief have caused the villagers to try as much as possible to prevent the commission of acts that might anger ihvarza mote resulting to lava flow which will obviously destroy wildlife.
The fear of provoking the “anger” of Ihvarza Mote indirectly aids in the conservation of forest resources. However, the aspirations and traditional beliefs of the local people regarding their deity, Ihvarza Mote, have not been incorporated into the management plan of the Mt Cameroon National Park (MCNP), which we believe undermines sustainable forest management..81 This also contradicts the goals outlined in Article 8(j) of the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), which calls on member states, including Cameroon, to protect indigenous traditional practices and knowledge that support biodiversity sustainability. There is a growing belief that the local communities of forested areas act as custodians of the forest, relying on it in many ways. Therefore, they are ideally positioned to ensure its effective management through their customary beliefs and practices.82
D. The Place of Sacred Forests and Sanctuaries for Ecological Health
The villages surrounding the Mt Cameroon region contain sacred forests that are home to shrines known as mooka in the Bakweri language.83 These forests are regarded as sacred because they are believed to be the dwelling places of gods and the spirits of the deceased. Villagers perform libations here to appease the land’s deities, ensuring that their plants, animals, and community members thrive and coexist in harmony.84 Their sustainability and management is very effective due to the myths which endow the areas with a quality of sacredness.
The mooka is believed to be the abode of the village deity and access to it is reserved exclusively to members of the secret societies such the Nganya, the “Mbwaya and the Liengu secret societies.85 The activities of humans such as hunting, trapping, clearing and farming are forbidden in it. According to interviewees, it is believed that anyone who violates the traditional rules and enters the mooka for hunting or any other exploitative activity which is not in consonance with the wishes and authority of the traditional council will suffer from sanctions inflicted on him or her by the gods of the land.86 It is also believed that anyone who enters the mooka may get missing and if he succeeds to find his way out, he is considered unclean and must be cleansed by members of the secret Society.87 Therefore, it is observed that, even though these traditional practices of the indigenous people in the Mt Cameroon region related to sacred forests was not put in place primarily for conservation purposes, it however contributed in conserving part of the forests declared sacred and the biodiversity which inhibit them. This is because, the belief in the consequences of unauthorized entry into and harvesting from the mooka prevent the villagers from exploiting its resources which indirectly contributes in forest conservation.
It is argued that, the mooka practice be maintained in the conservation of biodiversity in the Mt Cameroon region in accordance with Article 8 (j) of the 1992 CBD which requires Cameroon to respect, preserve and maintain practices of local communities relevant for conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity.88 This is buttress by the fact that, the concept of sacred forest operate not only in the Mt Cameroon region but it is also common and recognised in “sister” countries such as Zimbabwe and Ghana. In the Zambezi Valley of northern Zimbabwe, forests loss is less in sacred forests because traditional spiritual values influence people’s behaviour towards such forests positively in terms of biodiversity conservation.89 The Zimbabwean government taking cognizance of this fact have realised the importance of traditional authorities in protecting forest biodiversity, as such, changing its policy of striping chiefs of their functions and established a House of Chiefs in 1993.90 Similarly, in Ghana, sacred groves91 are regarded as community forest reserve that serve as abode for ancestral spirits, community deities and traditional worship, as such their exploitation is restricted which contributes in the sustainability of its resources.92
E. Totemic Beliefs and Forest sustainability
The belief in totems in the Mt Cameroon region has a positive impact on wildlife conservation. A totem can be an animal, plant, or natural object that symbolizes a clan or family among certain tribal or traditional communities.93 In this context, the totem of the Bakweri people from the Mt Cameroon region is the elephant, referred to as Njoku in the Bakweri language. For the Bakweri, the Njoku is seen as a mystical spiritual being, and they believe that individuals can transform into these majestic creatures.94 The qualities of the Njoku are deeply ingrained in the psyche of the Bakweri people. They associate the creature with strength, size, loyalty to its family, and a calm demeanor. Believing in these traits, the Bakweri have a secret society called the Mallé, which venerates, imitates, and embodies the attributes of the Njoku. Members of the Mallé pledge their allegiance solely to the Njoku.95 This cultural attachment to the Njoku (elephant) has attracted protection for this African Creature, a deity to Bakweri people. For it is forbidden to the Bakweri people to kill or capture this animal without permission from the traditional authorities. Such a restriction on the killing or capture of this animal indirectly results to the sustainable conservation of this animal specie in this region because it is threatened with extinction and the Mt Cameroon region host the last near isolated population of this creature as reported by the IUNC.96
F. Traditional Hunting Practices and Forest Conservation Outcomes
The traditional hunting practices of the Bakweri people in the Mt Cameroon region are supportive of wildlife conservation. Villagers are careful to limit the number of hunters in the same forest area at once. In some villages, each hunter is assigned a specific portion of the forest, preventing others from encroaching on their territory. This method helps reduce the number of animals killed, as having many hunters in one area increases the risk to wildlife. Additionally, hunters respect each other’s designated areas to avoid conflicts, partly due to the danger posed by hunting with bows and arrows in crowded conditions. This fear of injury or death can effectively serve as a conservation strategy, as customary hunting rules that protect the forest are upheld to ensure safety for all.
The main traditional hunting techniques include fence and snare trapping, hunting with dogs, and using bows and arrows.97 This traditional hunting method aligns with the goals of Section 106 of the 1994 Forestry Law, which bans the use of sophisticated weapons for hunting. However, some Bakweri locals have noted the occasional presence of dane guns among hunters, leading to concerns that traditional hunting techniques may be slowly diminishing.98
raditionally, hunting among the Bakweri people of the Mt Cameroon region was not conducted year-round. It was restricted during the rainy season, allowing only minimal trapping, which resulted in limited disturbance to the forest for approximately six months.99 This practice alleviates pressure on wild animals. According to local customs in the Mt Cameroon region, when hunters kill large game animals such as leopards, giant pangolins, or pythons, they are required to bring the carcass to the traditional authority. Important parts and trophies are then distributed among the chief, key members of the traditional secret society, and the village council. This obligation discourages hunters from pursuing big game, as they receive little benefit from these animals. Paradoxically, this custom supports wildlife conservation by reducing hunting pressure on large game species, many of which are becoming scarce in the region.100
G. Indigenous Farming Practices and Forest Conservation
In certain villages of the Mt Cameroon region, like Bova and Bonakanda, customary rules forbid the felling of the “King tree” and trees that hold medicinal value during farming.101 A practice which is considered environmentally friendly. Traditionally, there is a similar practice in some Korup villages that Njasanga, Mango and other important trees should not be cut down.102
According to the traditional cultivation habit of the indigenous peoples in the villages of the Mt Cameroon region, they grow fruit trees in their farms and around the village. In this way, afforestation is promoted. A move which helps to combat desertification and provide a habitat for animals. This practice falls within the objective of the 1994 United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD), particularly in Africa, which is to combat desertification and mitigate the effects of drought,103 mostly through a bottom-up approach of encouraging the participation of local people in combating desertification and land degradation.104 The traditional cultivation habit of planting fruit tress within farm land in the Mt Cameroon region also helps to stabilize the concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. This matches with the objective of the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) which is to “stabilize greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic105 interference with the climate system.”106
In the Mt Cameroon region, traditional farms are generally small, as local communities cultivate primarily for their own domestic needs. This means that only small areas of the forest are cleared for agriculture, which helps to reduce forest degradation and deforestation. Farming methods include shifting cultivation, crop rotation, mixed cropping, farm fallowing, and grass burning. Grass burning is employed to improve soil fertility and is considered safe as long as it doesn’t lead to bushfires that threaten biodiversity. Additionally, small-scale farming aimed at meeting local needs is unlikely to jeopardize the entire forest ecosystem.107
CHALLENGES TO INDIGENOUS FOREST CONSERVATION PRACTICES IN THE MOUNT CAMEROON REGION
Forested regions globally are rich in distinct beliefs and cultural practices. Ignoring these traditions can adversely affect the livelihoods of local populations and the sustainable management of natural resources.108 This scenario is true for the Mt Cameroon region as well. The World Bank and FAO have recognized that natural resources, particularly forests, could play a significant role in alleviating poverty.109 However, various factors are impacting traditional beliefs and practices related to forest conservation in the Mt Cameroon region, making this vision seem increasingly unrealistic. Respect for traditional institutions and beliefs is rapidly diminishing, which negatively affects the sustainable conservation of the forest heritage. In investigating the main causes limiting the place of traditional/indigenous practices in forest heritage conservation in the Mt Cameroon region, the following factors are identified: the intrusion of other tribes in the Mt Cameroon region; the changing economic situation; the influence of western civilization; the non-incorporation of traditional institutions and beliefs into statutory laws and the improvement in hunting techniques.
A. Effects of External Migration on Local Conservation Efforts
It is estimated that, about 300,000110 people live in communities around the MCNP. Among this estimated numbers, are immigrants from other parts of Cameroon. This is largely because, the Mt Cameroon region provides them with large amounts of non-timber forest products, vast agricultural land, protects water supplies for many of the communities such that migrants from other regions like the North West and West regions of Cameroon enticed by the natural attributes of the Mt Cameroon region, move to this area to earn a livelihood from them. For instance, the rich volcanic soil on the slopes of Mt Cameroon is highly suitable for crop cultivation. Unfortunately, most of the foreign tribal people rarely respect traditional values for forest conservation in the local communities. Majority of them without permission from the local traditional authorities clear large portions of the forest for cultivation purposes which sometimes provoke bush fires that consumes large factions of the forest as they practice the slash and burn method of agriculture.111 This act contributes to loss of biodiversity.
Other migrant in the region are engaged in irrational and illegal hunting as they bypass the acquisition of hunting permits from the State as well as the local hunting rules, driven by the quest of earning income from the commercialization of their catch.112 Again, the Bakweri tribal people have blamed the killings of taboo animals on strangers from other parts of Cameroon and some Nigerians whom they claim may not be aware of or choose not to obey the traditional taboos and customs.113 It therefore supposes that, the activities of unscrupulous migrants in the Mt Cameroon region have an adverse effect on the traditional practices which ensures biodiversity conservation.
B. Economic Pressures and Their Effects on Traditional Conservation
The Changing economic situation in the Mt Cameroon region has also limited the role of traditional/indigenous practices in the Conservation of Forest. In this light, it was noticed from field observation that, the economic situation in the Mt Cameroon region is characterised by increasing demand for bushmeat and agricultural produce, which to a large extent is a threat to biodiversity conservation. However, Cameroon’s 1994 Forestry Law falls short of reflecting field realities of traditional wildlife management, and does not encourage local hunters to be involved in the management and use of wildlife. State hunting permits are too expensive for local hunters to acquire. Faced with this financial barrier, the local hunters in a bid to meet the increasing demand of bushmeat in local and urban markets frequently hunt illegally, maximizing their catch in an unsustainable way and killing endangered and tabooed species. Most hunters who are not resident in the communities enter the area unnoticed without permission from the traditional authorities, usually abetted by some community members. They transport and sell the catch beyond the villages in neighboring urban areas like Douala. This practice has had a tremendous effect on traditional beliefs which aid in protecting wildlife as hunters even go to the extent of hunting tabooed animals to satisfy commercial demand in neighboring cities.
Furthermore, in a bid to meet up with the increasing demand for agricultural produce by the constantly increasing population of the Mt Cameroon region, migrant farmers are engaged in unsustainable agricultural practices, ignoring customary rules. They control the biggest portions of farmed lands, especially within MCNP and the remnant Bomboko Reserve.114 This situation is disturbing since agriculture is an important sector for sustaining growth and reducing poverty in Cameroon, as in other developing countries115 but it also seems not to be healthy for a traditional wildlife conservation approach in the Mt Cameroon region as traditional cultivation methods are being violated.
C. The Impact of Globalization on Indigenous Practices
Many communities in the Mt Cameroon area still recognize and maintain traditional beliefs about specific wildlife species. However, as globalization increases and influences such as development, Western education, and the proliferation of different religions take hold, support for these cultural practices is slowly eroding.116 Initially, the Bakweri people adhered to customs that mandated certain rituals and libations before cutting down a tree or hunting an animal, with the intent of the action needing to be articulated during the ritual. The fear of divine punishment prompted individuals to carefully ration their harvesting of natural resources, ensuring they only took what was necessary for personal use. Violating these customs was believed to result in repercussions from the gods. Furthermore, it was thought that removing a sizable piece of wood from the forest constituted a breach of tradition, leading to a swollen stomach for the offender until they performed a cleansing ritual.117 They also believed that their traditions prohibited them from taking fruits out of the mountain. While they could eat as many fruits as they wanted within the area, attempting to remove any would result in losing their way and being unable to find their way back.118 These general beliefs by villagers around the MCNP have greatly faded away due to the prevalence of Christianity which contradicts such traditional beliefs.
Additionally, the Malle and Nganya secret societies, which play a crucial role in protecting certain wildlife species, have largely disappeared from many Bakweri villages. This decline is primarily a result of the efforts of Christian missionaries – Baptists, Catholics, and Presbyterians – who viewed these societies as satanic cults, asserting that they would condemn their members to hell.119 Thus these secret society did not survive in the villages in which mission stations were set up.120 This situation is worrisome to some indigenes around the Mt Cameroon area as one lamented thus:
Improving life becomes challenging when the system disregards our traditional beliefs and culture, which are foundational to natural resource conservation. The situation is indeed dire; we are neglecting our cultural heritage in favor of Western influences. The plants and animals around Mount Fako resonate with our ancestral wisdom, not with foreign ideologies. As we lose touch with these traditions, our livelihoods suffer, reflecting the decline of our cultural identity and its vital role in sustaining our environment.121
From the foregoing, it is evident that, the influx of western religion in majority of the villages in the Mt Cameroon region has had a negative influence on the traditional approach of wildlife conservation. For instance in villages were western religion have gained grounds, little or no protection is accorded to taboo animals as they are frequently hunter as bushmeat. Similarly, in Ghana, the “Saviour Church”, encouraged their members to hunt monkeys which is a taboo among the people.122 This obviously affected the population of monkeys. Also in some parts of Nigeria, many local people have embraced Christianity and hence shun traditional religion and its taboos which contributes in the protection of wildlife.123
D. Lack of Legal Recognition for Traditional Governance in Forestry Laws
In traditional conservation systems, control is firmly rooted in the beliefs of local communities, with deep-seated fears of repercussions preventing individuals from violating any taboos, laws, or regulations. Wildlife is seen as a vital community asset, protected by established customs and taboos. However, the failure to integrate traditional institutions and beliefs into the 1994 Forestry Legislation and the management frameworks of the Mt Cameroon National Park (MCNP) and other protected areas has greatly hindered sustainable conservation efforts in the forest ecosystem.124 Although the Cameroonian government established the Mt Cameroon National Park (MCNP), protected by modern laws, it lacks the control and protection inherent in traditional institutions and beliefs regarding forest management. Traditional practices that safeguard wildlife species in the Mt Cameroon region are rapidly declining, partly due to the non-recognition of these systems in favor of modern legal approaches. There is growing concern that, without prompt action, the traditional beliefs that positively influence forest protection may vanish, posing significant risks to the survival of wildlife species in the region.125
E. Modern Hunting Practices and Their Threat to Conservation
raditional beliefs and taboos in the Mt Cameroon region that safeguard wildlife have faced significant challenges due to the arrival of advanced hunting equipment. Devices like guns, traps, and carbide headlamps enable hunters to spot animals at night by highlighting their eyes. This advancement leaves hunters with minimal time to assess whether the species they encounter is protected under the 1994 Forestry Law or local customs, ultimately weakening conservation efforts and diminishing the role of traditional protections.126 The carcasses of the hunted animals are traded as bushmeat with very little quantities set aside for domestic consumption. The use of sophisticated Hunting materials have facilitated the hunt of Monkeys and elephants which are taboo animals in the Mt Cameroon region,127 let alone an as essential element of the forest resources classified as threatened species.128
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
Cameroon is home to approximately 250 ethnic groups, each contributing a diverse array of cultural values and practices that have often been overlooked in the sustainable management of natural resources. Over the centuries, these traditional customs have evolved, allowing various ethnic groups to develop their own sustainable approaches to utilizing environmental resources, thus enabling them to coexist harmoniously with their forests.
Increasing evidence suggests that within the forestry sector, traditional institutions and customary practices provide a more effective, reliable, and economical means of environmental protection. This is also evident in the Mount Cameroon region, where traditional practices significantly enhance sustainable forest management. The importance of these indigenous institutions and traditional knowledge for forest conservation has been recognized by the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), to which Cameroon is a signatory. The convention advocates for the integration of cultural practices and indigenous knowledge into natural resource management. To align with the aims of this convention, the 1994 Forestry Law introduced the concept of community forest management. However, the legal frameworks established for managing these forests are often not acknowledged by local communities, particularly as they lack the cultural and indigenous understanding necessary for effective management. Additionally, these frameworks may not support sustainable forest practices. In contrast, the traditional institutions of the Bakweri people—such as chieftaincies, traditional councils, secret societies, and quarter heads—are respected, trusted, and more in tune with community needs than modern legal entities. This deep-rooted connection enhances the feasibility of traditional systems for conserving forest resources.
The village chiefs in the Mount Cameroon region serve as the principal guardians of the community’s traditions. Their authority is established by Decree No. 77/245 of July 1977, which governs the organization of chieftaincy in the area. Acting as representatives of the administration, these chiefs are responsible for maintaining law and order within their villages. They play a crucial role in ensuring that traditional laws and indigenous knowledge that protect natural resources are upheld, thereby preventing any actions that might provoke the displeasure of their deities. For example, chiefs strictly regulate the hunting and capture of taboo animals, requiring permission before any such actions can take place. In fulfilling their roles, village chiefs are supported by various traditional bodies, including councils, secret societies, and quarter heads. These institutions work in tandem with the chiefs, reinforcing the customary practices that govern the use of forest resources and contributing to community-based conservation efforts.
In addition to traditional institutions, cultural beliefs and practices in the Mount Cameroon region play a significant role in promoting forest heritage conservation. This is achieved through various means, including limiting access to forests, upholding taboos, maintaining sacred forests or sanctuaries, and observing customs related to totems. Traditional agricultural practices also contribute to environmental sustainability, as do customary methods for hunting and distributing wildlife. Local communities hold these traditional practices in high regard, and by adhering to them, they indirectly support the protection and sustainability of forest resources. This respect for cultural norms fosters a strong commitment to conservation efforts, highlighting the interconnectedness of cultural identity and environmental stewardship.
Despite the positive impact of traditional practices on wildlife conservation in the Mount Cameroon region, several significant challenges hinder their effectiveness. Key limitations include the influx of other ethnic groups into the area, the influence of globalization, advancements in hunting techniques, and the lack of integration of traditional institutions and practices within the framework of the 1994 Forestry Law. Additionally, changing economic conditions, characterized by rising demand for bushmeat and agricultural products, further exacerbate these issues. Together, these factors contribute to a decline in adherence to traditional conservation practices, posing a considerable threat to the preservation of forest heritage in the region.
The Mount Cameroon region stands as a testament to the vital role of indigenous governance practices in forest conservation. This study has highlighted how traditional institutions, customary laws, and cultural beliefs provide a sustainable framework for managing natural resources.
To ensure effective forest conservation in the Mount Cameroon region, it is essential to amend the 1994 Forestry Law to explicitly recognize the authority of traditional institutions in forest conservation. This legislative revision should empower local communities to enforce customary laws and establish governance structures that align with national policies. By providing legal clarity on the roles of traditional leaders, the revised law will facilitate effective collaboration between local communities and government entities, ensuring that both traditional and modern frameworks work in harmony to protect the region’s vital forest resources.
Again, capacity building for local communities is a crucial aspect of enhancing forest conservation efforts. Comprehensive training programs should be developed to focus on sustainable forest management, conflict resolution, and governance. These programs must cover topics such as sustainable agricultural and forestry practices, financial management for community-led initiatives, and conflict management techniques. By equipping community members and traditional leaders with the knowledge necessary for effective forest management, these initiatives will directly contribute to the sustainability of forest ecosystems in the region.
Moreso, engaging communities in participatory decision-making processes on forest management is vital for fostering local involvement in forest conservation. Establishing regular forums for dialogue between local communities and government officials will ensure that community voices are heard in policy-making. This engagement could include monthly or quarterly meetings to discuss forest management issues, as well as the inclusion of representatives from traditional councils in local government discussions. Implementing feedback mechanisms will allow community members to provide input on conservation strategies, ensuring that local knowledge and needs are integrated into forest management practices.
Furthermore, strengthening legal frameworks that support traditional practices is essential for effective forest conservation. Creating legal provisions that bolster the enforcement of traditional conservation practices will ensure alignment with national laws and international agreements, such as the 1992 Convention on Biological Diversity. By establishing regulatory bodies that include traditional leaders, we can enhance compliance monitoring of both customary and statutory laws governing forest use, ultimately fostering a more sustainable management approach.
Next, promoting ecotourism initiatives can provide alternative livelihoods for local communities while directly supporting conservation efforts. By fostering partnerships with ecotourism operators, the region can develop sustainable tourism ventures that highlight its cultural heritage and biodiversity. Training local guides and artisans will enhance community participation in tourism, and implementing revenue-sharing models will ensure that a portion of tourism profits is reinvested in local conservation and development projects. This approach will not only benefit local economies but also incentivize the protection of forest resources.
In addition, awareness and education campaigns will play a significant role in reinforcing the importance of traditional practices in forest conservation. Community awareness initiatives should educate local populations about the value of their cultural heritage and environmental stewardship. Workshops and seminars led by respected community elders and conservation experts can effectively convey these messages. Additionally, integrating conservation education into local school curricula will instil a sense of responsibility toward forest preservation in the younger generation.
Finally, fostering collaboration with non-governmental organizations and international bodies is vital for supporting community-led initiatives aimed at effective forest conservation. Engaging with these organizations can facilitate joint research projects that document local practices and their conservation outcomes, while also providing access to funding opportunities for community projects focused on enhancing forest sustainability. By working with international bodies to secure funding and technical assistance for implementing conservation strategies that integrate traditional knowledge, we can ensure the long-term success of these initiatives.
*****
Footnotes
1. According to article 68 of the 1996 Constitution of Cameroon, customary law statutes of the Federated State of Cameroon are still applicable in Cameroon.
2. See also Temngah J. N., (1996). Customary Law, Women’s Rights and Traditional Courts in Cameroon. Revue générale de droit, 27 (3), PP. 349 – 356 at P. 353.
3. See also Ngeh V. Ngome (1962-64) WCLR 321, Immaculalate Wanga Vefonge V. Samuel Lyonga Yukpe (1981) CASWP/CC/25/81 (unreported).
4. Freckmann A. and Wegerich, T., (1999). The German legal system. London, Sweet and Maxwell. P.36.
5. Anyangwe C., (1987). The Cameroon Judicial System, Ceper, Yaoundé, P. 239. See also Ngwafor E. N. who provided a similar definition by stating that Customary Law refers to “the general accepted usages in any given group” (see Ngwafor E. N., (1993). Family Law in Anglophone Cameroon. University of Regina Press. Saskatchewan., Canada. P. 8.)
6. Obi C., (1966), Modern Family Law in Southern Nigeria, London, Sweet & Maxwell. P; 70.
7. Ebi J. N. (2008). The Structure of Succession Law in Cameroon: Finding a Balance Between the Needs and Interests of Different Family Members, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Birmingham, U.K. (published).P. 128.
8. Section 27(1) of the Southern Cameroons High Court Law 1955. See also: The Customary Courts Ordinance cap 142 of 1948 which specifically states in section, 18 (1) (a) that: “Subject to the provisions of this law a customary court shall administer the native law and custom prevailing in the area of the jurisdiction of the court or binding between the parties, such as it is not repugnant to natural justice, equity and good conscience nor incompatible directly or by natural implication with any written law for the time being in force.”
9. Immaculalate Wanga Vefonge V. Samuel Lyonga Yukpe (1981) CASWP/CC/25/81 (unreported)
10. Ngeh V. Ngome (1962-64) WCLR 321 (unreported).
11. cf. Ewang, A. S., (2001). “The place of customary law in the Cameroonian Lagel System”, Fundamina, UNISA. P. 71.
12. Commonly referred to as the 2003 Revised African Nature Convention.
13. See generally article XIV Ibid.
14. Monono N. A., Oduro W. et al., (2016). The Role of Bakweri Traditional Beliefs in the Management of Mount Cameroon National Park, Journal of Resources Development and Management, Vol.24, .ResearchGate. PP 83- 98, at P 83.
15. Mikano E. K., (2015). The Repugnancy and Incompatibility Tests and Customary Law in Anglophone Cameroon, African Studies Quarterly, Volume 15, Issue 2, P. 86.
16. Jane P. G. and Mills J. E., (2009). The Everything Kids Geography Book, Adams media, New York-London. P. 96.
17. See section 27 (1) of the S.C.H.C.L 1955.
18. See section 37 and 38 of the 1994 Forestry Law.
19. See section 28(2) of the 1995 Forestry Decree. See also Section 3.1 of the 2009 Manual of Procedure for the Attribution, and Norms for the Management of Community Forest.
20. Andreas K., (2018). The significance of customary law for environmental conservation in Cameroon. In Oliver C. et al., (eds) Environmental Law and policy in Cameroon-towards making Africa the tree of Life, Law and Constitution in Africa, Vol, 37, Nomos, Germany. P. 928.
21. Ibid. P. 929.
22. Ayuk M. N., (2019). The Sustainability of Industrial Forestry under Cameroonian Law. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Dschang, Cameroon, (Unpublished). P. 123.
23. See article 1 and 2 of Decree No. 77/245 of July 1977 on the Organisation of Chieftaincy.
24. See Article 19 and 20 Ibid.
25. MINFOF, (2014). The Management Plan of the Mount Cameroon National Park and its Peripheral Zone, 2015 – 2019, MINFOF, Yaoundé, Cameroon, P. 28.
26. Onang E. T., (2012). Modern Law and Local Tradition in Forest Heritage Conservation in Cameroon: The Case of Korup, PhD Thesis, Brandenburg University (Published), P. 124.
27. See John (2018). Ecotoism and sustainable development in Woteva village: available at: http://treff-end.com/ecotourism-woteva-village/ (lastly consulted on 07/03/2025).
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. Mbatu R. S., (2009). Forest exploitation in Cameroon (1884–1994): an oxymoron of top-down and bottom-up forest management policy approaches, International Journal of Environmental Studies, Vol. 66, No. 6, Taylor and Francis group. PP. 747–763 at P. 750.
31. Onang (n 28).
32. MINFOF (n 27).
33. The Village Traditional Council serves a judiciary function at the village level although this institution is not empowered under the Cameroonian law to play such a rule (see generally Feh H. B., (2009). Cameroon legal system. Available at: http://www.hg.org/article.asp?id (accessed on 25/05/2025)).
34. Onang (n 28).
35. Ibid. see also Interview with Mola Jie David Ewese, a Bakweri native of Bonakanda Village, conducted on 12/05/2020.
36. Ibid.
37. Eyong C.T., (2010). Why ignore Ekpwe rules? The regulation of forest use by a secret society in Korup National Park, Cameroon. In Eguavoen I. and Laube W., (eds.). Negotiating local governance -Natural resource management at the interface of communities and the state, ZEF Development Studies, LIT Verlag Dr. W. Hopf Berlin. PP. 79-114. See also Sakah M., (1998). Management of rain forest and its resources: A case study of community participation strategies in the korup south support zone, Master Thesis, University of Yaoundé 1, Cameroon, available at: http://cameroun-foret .com/system/files/18_69_25.pdf (accessed on 26.05.2020).
38. See article 8 (j) of the 1992 CBD.
39. See article 1 of the COMIFAC Treaty of 2005 which talks on member states to include the conservation and sustainable management of forests as well as the management of the environment in national priorities.
40. See Article 4 of the 1972 World Heritage Convention which demands that, each State Party to this Convention recognizes that the duty of ensuring the identification, protection, conservation, presentation and transmission to future generations of the cultural and natural heritage situated on its territory and belongs primarily to that State. In: UNESCO World Heritage Centre (2005).Basic Texts of the 1972 World Heritage Convention, Basic Texts of the 1972 World Heritage Convention, Basic Texts of the 1972 World Heritage Convention, 2005 Edition, UNESCO, Paris-France. P. 10.
41. The members of the Malle secret society are called the “Vato va njoku.”
42. Ngoh V. J., (1996). History of Cameroon since 1800. Limbe, Presbook, P. 28. Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kwe_people#cite_note-Ngoh, (accessed on: 19/03/2025).
43. See Mount Cameroon National Park, available at: http://www.mtcameroonnationalpark.org/DiscoverThePark.html#Flora (consulted on: 08/02/2025).
44. Ibid.
45. Interview with Mola Jie David Ewese, a Bakweri native of Bonakanda Village, conducted on 12/05/2020.
46. Ibid.
47. Ibid.
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid.
50. Tamasang C. T. (2007). “Community Forest Management Entities as Efficient Tools for Local –Level Participation under Cameroon Law: A Case Study of the Kilum/Ijim Mountain Forest”, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Yaoundé-Soa, Cameroon, (unpublished) P. 137
51. Interview with Mola Jie David Ewese, a Bakweri native of Bonakanda Village, conducted on 12/05/2020.
52. Mbetiji M. M., (2012). “Participatory forest Management: The case of Community Forest under Cameroon Law”, Ph.D. Thesis, University of Dschang, Cameroon, Unpublished) P. 95.
53. Thomas A. G., (1997). Folklore: an encyclopedia of beliefs, customs, tales, music, and art, p. 800, available at: https://books.google.cm/books?id=S7Wfhws3dFAC&pg=PA800&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false, (consulted on 07/02/2025).
54. Luo Y., Liu J. and Zhang D., (2009). Role of traditional beliefs of Baima Tibetans in biodiversity conservation in China. Forest Ecology and Management, 257. P.257.
55. Leah T. and Martinez-Alier J., (2013). The god of the mountain and Godavarman: Net Present Value, indigenous territorial rights and sacredness in a bauxite mining conflict in India. Ecological Economics, 96, PP. 79–87.
56. MINFOF (n 27) 15.
57. Interview with Mola Jie David Ewese, a Bakweri native of Bonakanda Village, conducted on 12/05/2020.
58. Ibid.
59. Ibid.
60. Ajonina S. A. et al., (2017). The Role of Traditional Taboos and Custom as Complementary Tools in Wildlife Conservation within Mount Cameroon National Park Buea. International Journal of Natural Resource Ecology and Management. Scientific Publishing Group, Vol. 2, No. 3, PP. 60-68 at P. 65.
61. Ibid.
62. Shen X., Chen, N. et al., (2012). Tibetan sacred sites: understanding the traditional management system and its role in modern conservation. Ecology and Society, 17. P. 13
63. Leah T. and Martinez-Alier, J., (2013). The god of the mountain and Godavarman: Net Present Value, indigenous territorial rights and sacredness in a bauxite mining conflict in India. Ecological Economics, 96, PP. 79–87.
64. Interview with Mbonde Ringobert, a Bakweri native of Buea town, conducted on 13/05/2020.
65. They resemble Homo sapiens.
66. Interview with Mola Jie David Ewese, a Bakweri native of Bonakanda Village, conducted on 12/05/2020.
67. Onang (n 28) 132.
68. Ibid.
69. Ajonina (n 65) 64.
70. Anoliefo G. O. et al., (2003). Environmental implications of the erosion of cultural taboo practices in Awka-South Local Government Area of Anambra State, Nigeria. Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics, 16. PP. 281-296, at P. 283.
71. Interview with Mola Jie David Ewese, a Bakweri native of Bonakanda Village, conducted on 12/05/2020.
72. Eyong C. T., (2010). Why ignore Ekpwe rules? The regulation of forest use by a secret society in Korup National Park, Cameroon. In: Eguavoen, I. and Laube, W. (eds.) Negotiating local governance -Natural resource management at the interface of communities and the state. ZEF Development Studies, Berlin. PP. 79-114.
73. Abugiche S. A., (2008). Impact of hunting and bushmeat trade on biodiversity loss in Cameroon: A case study of the Banyang-Mbo Wildlife Sanctuary (Doctoral dissertation). Brandenburg University of Technology Cottbus, Germany, available at: http://opus.kobv.de/btu/volltexte/2009/955/ (Last accessed 21/02/2025).
74. Sarfo-Mensah P. and Oduro W., (2007). Traditional natural resources management practices and biodiversity conservation in Ghana: A review of local concept and issues on change and sustainability, available at: http://www.feem.it/userfiles/attach/Publication/NDL2007/NDL2007-090.pdf (Last accessed 21.02.2025).
75. Which requires Cameroon to respect, preserve and maintain practices of local communities relevant for conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity.
76. Banjo A. D. et al., (2006). Taboo as a means of plant and animal conservation in South-Western Nigeria: A case study of Ogbe River and its Basin. World Applied Sc, 1. PP. 39-43, at P. 40.
77. Cinner J. E. and Aswani, S., (2007). Integrating customary management into marine conservation. Biological Conservation, 140, PP. 201-216.
78. Monono (n 15) 88.
79. Interview with Mola Wose Vava, a Bakweri native of Bova Village, conducted on 13/05/2020.
80. Ibid.
81. Amungwa F. A., (2011). The Evolution of Conflicts Related to Natural Resource Management in Cameroon. Journal of Human Ecology, 35: PP. 53-60.
82. See generally Brown D., (1999). Principles and Practice of Co-Management: Evidence from West Central Africa, European Union Tropical Forestry Paper 2, Overseas Development Institute, European Commission, London, Brussels.
83. Tumnde M. S., (2001). Integrating law and local customs in forest resource management around the Mount Cameroon region. In Lambi C. M and Eze B. E., (Eds.). Reading in Geography, Unique Printers, Bamenda. p. 354.
84. Interview with Mola Jie David Ewese, a Bakweri native of Bonakanda Village, conducted on 12/05/2020 .
85. Tumnde (n 88).
86. Interview with Mola Jie David Ewese, a Bakweri native of Bonakanda Village, conducted on 12/05/2020.
87. Tumnde (n 88).
88. Ajonina (n 65) 65.
89. Byers B. A., Cunliffe R., Hudak A. T., (2001). Linking the conservation of culture and nature: a case study of sacred forests in Zimbabwe. Journal of Human Ecology. Vol. 29. pp. 187-218. At p. 192.
90. Ibid.
91. Khan et al. define sacred groves as “tracts of virgin forest with rich diversity, which have been protected by the local people for centuries for their cultural and religious beliefs and taboos that the deities reside in them and protect the villagers from different calamities.” (See Khan et al., (2008) “The sacred groves and their significance in conserving biodiversity: An overview,” is available at: http://www.nieindia.org/ijees/pdf/v34/34-277.pdf, (last accessed 19/02/2025)).
92. Kwame A. A., (2008). Some Ghanaian traditional practices of forest management and biodiversity Conservation. http://www.iufro.org/science/task-forces/traditionalforest-knowledge/activities/accra08/ (Lastly accessed: 19/ 02/ 2025).
93. See The Free Dictionary: Totem, available at: https://www.thefreedictionary.com/totem, (consulted on 13/06/2025).
94. Kweku D. A., (2008) Indigenous Eating from Leaves Technology Cameroon, available at: https://weafriquenations.com/indigenous-eating-from-leaves-technology-cameroon/, (consulted on 13/06/2025).
95. See Bakweri People: Ancient Fierce Fighters, Traditionally Spiritual, Custom-Abiding and Agrarian Bantu People of Mount Cameroon, available at: https://kwekudee-tripdownmemorylane.blogspot.com/2014/09/bakweri-people-ancient-fierce-fighters.html, (accessed on: 20/02/20205).
96. MINFOF (n 27) 15.
97. Eyong T. C., et al., (Eds). Literature and culture- The connection from an African perspective, Religion, Culture and Sustainable Development, Vol. II. UNESCO-EOLSS. P. 334.
98. Interview with Mola Wose Vava, a Bakweri native of Bova Village, conducted on 13/05/2020.
99. Eyong (n 102).
100. Onang (n 28) 130.
101. Interview with Mola Wose Vava, a Bakweri native of Bova Village, conducted on 13/05/2020.
102. Röschenthaler U., (2000). Culture, history and perceptions on resettlement: A baseline study of the six villages in the Korup National Park. http://camerounforet.com/system/files/21_01_03.pdf, (Last accessed 21/02/2025).
103. See United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification in those Countries Experiencing Serious Drought and/or Desertification, Particularly in Africa, available at: https://observatoriop10.cepal.org/en/treaties/united-nations-convention-combat-desertification-those-countries-experiencing-serious , (consulted on: 18/01/2025).
104. Florent M., (April 2015). UN Convention to Combat Desertification (Paris-1994), available at: https://europa.eu/capacity4dev/public-environment-climate/document/un-convention-combat-desertification-paris-1994, (consulted on: 31/10/2025).
105. The term anthropogenic designates an effect resulting from human activity. Some human activities that cause damage (either directly or indirectly) to the environment on a global scale include, overexploitation, pollution, and deforestation.
106. See Article 2 of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 1992.
107. Eyong (n 102).
108. Norgaard R. B., (2006). Development betrayed: The end of progress and a co-evolutionary revisioning of the future, Routledge. London. P 23.
109. See generally Angelsen A. and Wunder S., (2003). Exploring the Forest-Poverty Link. CIFOR occasional paper: PP. 1-20. See also Sunderlin W. D., Angelsen A. et al., (2005). Livelihoods, forests, and conservation in developing countries: an overview. World development, 33. PP. 1383-1402
110. Ajonina (n 65) 62.
111. Interview with Mbonde Ringobert, a Bakweri native of Buea town, conducted on 13/05/2020.
112. Ajonina (n 65).
113. Ibid. P. 66.
114. Awono A, Olufunso S. A, Eba’a A. R. and Levang P., (2014). Tenure and participation in local REDD+ projects: Insights from southern Cameroon. Environmental Science and Policy 35; PP.76–86 at P. 81.
115. See CIFOR: RED+ on the Ground, Case Report on Cameroon, Available at: https://www.cifor.org/redd-case-book/case-reports/cameroon/redd-around-mount-cameroon-southwest-region-cameroon/, (accessed on: 25/02/2025).
116. Interview with Mola Wose Vava, a Bakweri native of Bova Village, conducted on 13/05/2020
117. Ibid. See also Monono (n 15) 90.
118. Monono (n 15) 90.
119. Ibid. p. 65.
120. Ibid.
121. Ibid.
122. Saj T. L., Mather C. and Sicotte P., (2006). Traditional taboos in biological conservation: The case of Colobus vellerosus at the Boabeng-Fiema Monkey Sanctuary, Central Ghana. Soc Sci Inform, 45. P. 285-310, at P. 288.
123. Akindele S. O. (2010). Forest Restoration through Traditional Institutions in Nigeria: Challenges and Prospects. Available at: http://www.cfc 2010.org/papers/session13/Akindeles13. pdf , (accessed on: 23/02/2025.
124. Nyhus P. J. and Tilson R., (2003). Wildlife knowledge among migrants in southern Sumatra, Indonesia: implications for conservation. Environmental Conservation 30: PP. 192 – 199, at P. 195.
125. Etiendem D. N., Hens L. and Pereboom Z., (2011). Traditional knowledge systems and the conservation of Cross River gorillas: a case study of Bechati, Fossimondi, Besali, Cameroon. Ecology and Society 16 (3) P. 22.
126. Horowitz L. S., (1998). Integrating indigenous resource management with wildlife conservation: A case study of Batang Ai National Park, Sarawak, Malaysia. Human Ecology, 26. PP. 371-403.
127. cf Tako, C. T. 1999. Local forest management systems (LFRMS) understanding, mobilisation, and monitoring. Sustainable Wildlife Management: West Coast Area of Mount Cameroon. Limbe Botanical Garden and PVO-NGO/NRMS Project, CARPE RI 1 component. Washington, D.C. P, 64.
128. MINFOF (n 27) 15.